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Crisis Among the Great Powers
In 1840, conflict within the Ottoman Empire gave rise to a serious all-European crisis which led to a diplomatic rupture between France and other Great Powers. The crisis was given the name of the natural frontier which divided France from the rest of Europe: the Rhine. Although the Rhine Crisis did not lead to armed conflict, many states were deeply worried by the unfolding events and by the failure of the peace so carefully negotiated at the end of the Napoleonic Wars. Combined with accumulated political, social, national and economic problems, there were fears of general social upheaval and perhaps even revolution. This book uses the Rhine Crisis to evaluate the stability of the European States System and the functionality of the Concert of Europe in this period. In doing so, Miroslav edivy offers an original and deeply-researched insight into the history of international relations in the pivotal years between 1815 and 1848."
The Politics of Moderation in Modern European History
This book charts the varieties of political moderation in modern European history from the French Revolution to the present day. It explores the attempts to find a middle way between ideological extremes, from the nineteenth-century Juste Milieu and balance of power, via the Third Ways between capitalism and socialism, to the current calls for moderation beyond populism and religious radicalism. The essays in this volume are inspired by the widely-recognized need for a more nuanced political discourse. The contributors demonstrate how the history of modern politics offers a range of experiences and examples of the search for a middle way that can help us to navigate the tensions of the current political climate. At the same time, the volume offers a diagnosis of the problems and pitfalls of Third Ways, of finding the middle between extremes, and of the weaknesses of the moderate point of view.
Britain and the German Question
Disraeli claimed that no country suffered more from the foundation of the German Reich than England. Bismarck's empire of 1871 did not, however, strike like a bolt from the blue. The question of German unity had been brewing for decades. Britain and the Germany Question reconstructs the way Victorians pictured the pre-history of the Reich from the July Revolution of 1830 until the eve of the 'Wars of German Unification'. It scrutinises how Britain's foreign political establishment - the diplomats, journalists and politicians who informed, determined and executed British foreign policy - analysed and responded to the Germans' search for a reformed, united and powerful nation state. It lays bare British interests, preconceptions and preoccupations and explains what kind of united Germany Britain would have welcomed. The book thus illuminates three themes crucial to our understanding of nineteenth-century Europe: the international repercussions of German nationalism; Britain's attitude to continental politics; and the interlocking of liberalism, nationalism revolution and reform.
The Hanoverian Dimension in British History, 1714–1837
For more than 120 years (1714–1837) Great Britain was linked to the German Electorate, later Kingdom, of Hanover through Personal Union. This made Britain a continental European state in many respects, and diluted her sense of insular apartness. The geopolitical focus of Britain was now as much on Germany, on the Elbe and the Weser as it was on the Channel or overseas. At the same time, the Hanoverian connection was a major and highly controversial factor in British high politics and popular political debate. This volume was the first systematically to explore the subject by a team of experts drawn from the UK, US and Germany. They integrate the burgeoning specialist literature on aspects of the Personal Union into the broader history of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Britain. Never before had the impact of the Hanoverian connection on British politics, monarchy and the public sphere, been so thoroughly investigated.
"The Transformation of European Politics, 1763-1848"
This book takes up a question raised about the nature of the European international system in the late eighteenth-early nineteenth centuries by Paul W. Schroeder's pathbreaking and controversial work, "The Transformation of European Politics, 1763 - 1848" (1994). Schroeder's central claim was that the European states system underwent a fundamental transformation in the revolutionary, Napoleonic, and Vienna eras from a system of competitive, conflictual power politics based purely on a shifting balance of power to a more consensual, stable, and peaceful set of relations based on legality, acknowledged rights and obligations, and shared norms. The contributors to this volume, while examining this claim, primarily extend the debate to the entire history of European and world international politics from the early seventeenth century to the present. If this transformation was real, they ask, was it only a temporary episode, or does it represent an example of other transformations or structural changes in international politics over the centuries down to the present day, and a possible model for change in the future?
Germany and America
Leading experts on German-American relations, German politics and German Studies from both sides of the Atlantic are contributing to this volume in honor of Gerry Kleinfeld, founder and executive director of the German Studies Association, founder and long-time editor of the German Studies Review. The essays cover a broad spectrum of German-American political, economic, and cultural relations, offering an up-to-date survey of recent developments in this highly topical field.
European Union Research Policy
This book describes the emergence of research policy as a key competence of the European Union (EU). It shows how the European Community (EC, the predecessor of the EU), which initially had very limited legal competence in the field, progressively developed a solid policy framework presenting science and research as indispensable tools for European economic competitiveness and growth. In the late 20th century Western Europe, hungry for growth, concerned about the American technological lead, and keen to compete in the increasingly open international markets, the argument for a joint European effort in science and technology seemed plausible. However, the EC was building its new functions in ...
National Union Catalog
Includes entries for maps and atlases.
Proceedings
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