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Contributors offer new approaches to the study of the European Neighbourhood Policy. While the main emphasis is on the empirical assessment of the impact that the ENP has had to-date and on the factors that have shaped its implementation, it also provides new theoretical and methodological perspectives on how to study this policy area.
This book examines secessionist entities that arose during and after the dissolution process of the USSR and considers them as legal subjects in their own right. By employing a novel and more innovative approach, the agency of these subjects, otherwise often ignored or disregarded, is taken into account. Drawing on the cases of the South Caucasus, the author suggests going beyond the binary concept of statehood and traditional notions of sovereignty. He advocates embracing an inclusive reading of international law, which enables to foster creative ambiguity vis-à-vis these entities as means of conflict transformation.
This book explores the nexus between education and politics in Lebanon, Northern Ireland, and Macedonia, drawing from an extensive body of original evidence and literature on power-sharing and post-conflict education in these post-conflict societies, as well as the repercussions that emerged from the end of civil war. This book demonstrates that education policy affects the resilience of political settlements by helping reproduce and reinforce the mutually exclusive religious, ethnic, and national communities that participated in conflict and now share political power. Using curricula for subjects—such as history, citizenship education, and languages—and structures like the existence of state-funded separate or common schools, Fontana shows that power-sharing constrains the scope for specific education reforms and offers some suggestions for effective ones to aid political stability and reconciliation after civil wars.
This book describes the conduct of the US-led post-9/11 war in Afghanistan. Adopting a long-term perspective, it argues that even though Washington initially had an opportunity to achieve its security goals and give Afghanistan a chance to enter a new era, it compromised any possibility of success from the very moment it let bin Laden escape to Pakistan in December 2001, and found itself locked in a strategic overreach. Given the bureaucratic and rhetorical momentum triggered by the war on terror in America, the Bush Administration was bound to deploy more resources in Afghanistan sooner or later (despite its focus on Iraq). The need to satisfy unfulfilled counter-terrorism objectives made t...
When we think of minorities - linguistic, ethnic, religious, regional, or racial - in world politics, conflict is often the first thing that comes to mind. Indeed, discord and tension are the depressing norms in many states across the globe: Iraq, the former Yugoslavia, Sudan, Israel, Sri Lanka, Burma, Rwanda, and many more. But as David Lublin points out in this magisterial survey of minority-based political groups across the globe, such parties typically function fairly well within larger polities. In Minority Rules, he eschews the usual approach of shining attention on conflict and instead looks at the representation of minority groups in largely peaceful and democratic countries througho...
Minority Accommodation through Territorial and Non-Territorial Autonomy explores the relationship between minority, territory, and autonomy, and how it informs our understanding of non-territorial autonomy (NTA) as a strategy for accommodating ethno-cultural diversity in modern societies. While territorial autonomy (TA) is defined by a claim to a certain territory, NTA does not assume that it is derived from any particular right to territory, allocated to groups that are dispersed among the majority while belonging to a certain self-identified notion of group identity. In seeking to understand the value of NTA as a public policy tool for social cohesion, this volume critically dissects the autonomy arrangements of both NTA and TA, and through a conceptual analysis and case-study examination of the two models, rethinks the viability of autonomy arrangements as institutions of diversity management. This is the second volume in a five-part series exploring the protection and representation of minorities through non-territorial means, examining this paradox within law and international relations with specific attention to non-territorial autonomy (NTA).
本書是筆者撰寫歐洲安全暨合作組織(以下簡稱歐安組織)專書的第四本,應該也是學術生涯中專注於歐安組織的最後一本。回想多年前起心動念想寫一本關於歐安組織的專書,那時可是一個巨變的時代!冷戰結束、共產主義宣告失敗、德國統一、巴黎高峰會議等歷史大事,宣示著歐安組織的時代已然降臨。 然而,前蘇聯與前南斯拉夫相繼解體所引發的衝突與戰火,卻也讓後天不良的歐安組織漸漸淡出世人的視角,最終成為一個被參與國邊緣化的區域性國際組織。歐洲人在冷戰對峙時期,創造出一個具文明指標的組織,卻又...
How has the position of Afrikaners changed since the end of the Apartheid regime in South Africa? While the links between Afrikaner nationalist identity and the apartheid regime have been irrevocably altered, it is evident that this newly disempowered minority still commands a vast material and cultural capital. Certain Afrikaans speakers have become important players in the new South Africa and on the world stage. Davies argues that the global political economy and the closely associated ideology of globalization are major catalysts for change in Afrikaner identifications and positions. She identifies multiple Afrikaner constituencies and identities and shows how they play out in the complex social, economic and political landscape of South Africa.Accessible, informative and well-written, "Afrikaners in the New South Africa" is a vital contribution to our understanding of post-apartheid South Africa. It will be indispensable for those interested in South Africa, identity politics, globalization, international political economy and geography.