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What were the calculations made by the US and its major allies in the 1960s when they faced the signing of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)? These were all states with the technological and financial capabilities to develop and possess nuclear weapons should they wish to do so. In the end, only the United Kingdom and France became nuclear weapon states. Eventually, all of them joined the non-proliferation regime. Leading American, British, Canadian, French, German and Japanese scholars consider key questions that faced the signatories to the NPT: How imperative was nuclear deterrence in facing the perceived threat to their country? How reliable did they think the US extended deterrence was, and how costly would an independent deterrent be both financially and politically? Was there a regional option? How much future was there in the civilian nuclear energy sector for their country and what role would the NPT play in this area? What capabilities needed to be preserved for the country’s future and how could this be made compatible with the NPT? What were the determining factors of deciding whether to join the NPT?
After World War II, a powerful conviction took hold among American intellectuals and policymakers: that the United States could profoundly accelerate and ultimately direct the development of the decolonizing world, serving as a modernizing force around the globe. By accelerating economic growth, promoting agricultural expansion, and encouraging the rise of enlightened elites, they hoped to link development with security, preventing revolutions and rapidly creating liberal, capitalist states. In The Right Kind of Revolution, Michael E. Latham explores the role of modernization and development in U.S. foreign policy from the early Cold War through the present. The modernization project rarely ...
Can the genie be returned to the bottle? This book investigates the pursuit by states, civil society groups, and international organisations of nuclear abolition. Detailing the evolution of the institutional architecture for multilateral nuclear disarmament from the 1960s onwards, this book tells a story of high hopes, broken promises, and clashing views of history, security, and the future. Global nuclear politics deals in material power and security but is also shot through with contests over prestige, justice, and mutual recognition. Waves of innovation in multilateral nuclear disarmament diplomacy have typically come about on the back of crises of legitimacy within the broader nuclear order. The book concludes with a discussion of policy implications and a reflection on successes and failures in the history of multilateral nuclear disarmament. The volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of diplomacy, history, and politics and international relations.
This book examines the evolution of European-American relations with the Middle East since 1945. Placing the current transatlantic debates on the Middle East into a broader context, this work analyses how, why, and to what extent European and US roles, interests, threat perceptions, and policy attitudes in the region have changed, relating to both the region as a whole and the two main issues analysed: Gulf Security and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. The contributors then go on to discuss the implications of these developments for Western policymaking. The volume makes four key contributions. First, it examines the subject matter from a truly transatlantic perspective, with all chapters adopting...
The Nuclear Club reveals how a coalition of powerful and developing states embraced global governance in hopes of a bright and peaceful tomorrow. While fears of nuclear war were ever-present, it was the perceived threat to their preeminence that drove Washington, Moscow, and London to throw their weight behind the 1963 Limited Test Ban Treaty (LTBT) banishing nuclear testing underground, the 1967 Treaty of Tlatelolco banning atomic armaments from Latin America, and the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) forbidding more countries from joining the most exclusive club on Earth. International society, the Cold War, and the imperial U.S. presidency were reformed from 1945 to 1970, when a global nuclear order was inaugurated, averting conflict in the industrial North and yielding what George Orwell styled a "peace that is no peace" everywhere else. Today the nuclear order legitimizes foreign intervention worldwide, empowering the nuclear club and, above all, the United States, to push sanctions and even preventive war against atomic outlaws, all in humanity's name.
Although it lasted only for a 'Thousand Days', the presidency of John F. Kennedy is considered a defining moment in recent American history. Despite countless attempts by historians, journalists and cultural critics, the Kennedy myth, carefully crafted during his lifetime and eagerly nurtured after his violent death, lives on. The enduring notion that America might have been spared many of the traumatic events of the 1960s and 1970s, if only John F. Kennedy had lived, poses a continuing challenge to historians to reassess his foreign and domestic policies. In this volume scholars from the United States, Germany and Great Britain, mostly representatives of a younger generation, take a fresh look at key topics such as Kennedy's policies toward Europe, the Third World, the civil rights struggle, and poverty. Contrary to his often grandiose rhetoric of vigorous leadership and "new frontiers" and despite his considerable skills at managing foreign and domestic crises, the essays emphasize that President John F. Kennedy acted largely within the consensus of Cold War liberalism.
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The first volume was a cumulative volume which contained the Foundation Center collection. Subsequent editions include all the Foundation Center acquisitions acquired annually as well as other current literature.